254
Opinion of the Court
is performed with consciousness of race"); see also Miller, 515 U. S., at 916 (legislatures "will . . . almost always be aware of racial demographics"); Shaw I, 509 U. S., at 646 (same).
2
The second piece of "direct" evidence relied upon by the District Court is a February 10, 1997, e-mail sent from Gerry Cohen, a legislative staff member responsible for drafting districting plans, to Senator Cooper and Senator Leslie Winner. Cohen wrote: "I have moved Greensboro Black community into the 12th, and now need to take [about] 60,000 out of the 12th. I await your direction on this." App. 369.
The reference to race—i. e., "Black community"—is obvious. But the e-mail does not discuss the point of the reference. It does not discuss why Greensboro's African-American voters were placed in the 12th District; it does not discuss the political consequences of failing to do so; it is addressed only to two members of the legislature; and it suggests that the legislature paid less attention to race in respect to the 12th District than in respect to the 1st District, where the e-mail provides a far more extensive, detailed discussion of racial percentages. It is less persuasive than the kinds of direct evidence we have found significant in other redistricting cases. See Vera, supra, at 959 (O'Connor, J., principal opinion) (State conceded that one of its goals was to create a majority-minority district); Miller, supra, at 907 (State set out to create majority-minority district); Shaw II, 517 U. S., at 906 (recounting testimony by Cohen that creating a majority-minority district was the "principal reason" for the 1992 version of District 12). Nonetheless, the e-mail offers some support for the District Court's conclusion.
E
As we have said, we assume that the maps appended to appellees' brief reflect the record insofar as that record
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