Cite as: 503 U. S. 442 (1992)
Opinion of the Court
What is the better measure of inequality—absolute difference in district size, absolute difference in share of a Representative, or relative difference in district size or share? Neither mathematical analysis nor constitutional interpretation provides a conclusive answer. In none of these alternative measures of inequality do we find a substantive principle of commanding constitutional significance. The polestar of equal representation does not provide sufficient guidance to allow us to discern a single constitutionally permissible course.
A State's compliance with Wesberry's "high standard of justice and common sense" begins with a good-faith effort to produce complete equality for each voter. As our cases involving variances of only a fraction of one percent demonstrate, that goal is realistic and appropriate for state districting decisions. See Karcher v. Daggett, 462 U. S., at 730-743. In this case, however, whether Montana has one district or two, its variance from the ideal will exceed 40 percent.
The constitutional guarantee of a minimum of one Representative for each State inexorably compels a significant departure from the ideal. In Alaska, Vermont, and Wyoming, where the statewide districts are less populous than the ideal district, every vote is more valuable than the national average. Moreover, the need to allocate a fixed number of indivisible Representatives among 50 States of varying populations makes it virtually impossible to have the same size district in any pair of States, let alone in all 50. Accordingly, although "common sense" supports a test requiring "a good-faith effort to achieve precise mathematical equality" within each State, Kirkpatrick v. Preisler, 394 U. S., at 530-531, the constraints imposed by Article I, § 2, itself make that goal illusory for the Nation as a whole.
number of districts in a State, rather than merely the average size of a district. See 775 F. Supp., at 1371.
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