Miller v. Johnson, 515 U.S. 900, 47 (1995)

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944

MILLER v. JOHNSON

Ginsburg, J., dissenting

before us. We should respect Georgia's choice by taking its position on brief as genuine.

D

Along with attention to size, shape, and political subdivisions, the Court recognizes as an appropriate districting principle, "respect for . . . communities defined by actual shared interests." Ante, at 916. The Court finds no community here, however, because a report in the record showed "fractured political, social, and economic interests within the Eleventh District's black population." Ante, at 919.

But ethnicity itself can tie people together, as volumes of social science literature have documented—even people with divergent economic interests. For this reason, ethnicity is a significant force in political life. As stated in a classic study of ethnicity in one city of immigrants:

"[M]any elements—history, family and feeling, interest, formal organizational life—operate to keep much of New York life channeled within the bounds of the ethnic group. . . .

". . . The political realm . . . is least willing to consider [ethnicity] a purely private affair. . . .

. . . . . "[P]olitical life itself emphasizes the ethnic character of the city, with its balanced tickets and its special appeals . . . ." N. Glazer & D. Moynihan, Beyond the Melting Pot 19-20 (1963).

See also, e. g., E. Litt, Beyond Pluralism: Ethnic Politics in America 2 (1970) ("[E]thnic forces play a surprisingly persistent role in our politics."); Ethnic Group Politics, Preface ix (H. Bailey & E. Katz eds. 1969) ("[E]thnic identifications do exist and . . . one cannot really understand the American political process without giving special attention to racial, religious and national minorities.").

To accommodate the reality of ethnic bonds, legislatures have long drawn voting districts along ethnic lines. Our

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