Cite as: 517 U. S. 952 (1996)
Stevens, J., dissenting
faced many unrelenting pressures when they negotiated the creation of the contested districts. They had to ensure that there was no deviation in population from district to district.10 They reasonably believed that they had to create districts that would comply with the Voting Rights Act. See supra, at 1007. If the redistricting legislation was to be enacted, they had to secure the support of incumbent Congressmen of both parties by drawing districts that would ensure their election. And all of these desires had to be achieved within a single contiguous district. Every time a district line was shifted from one place to another, each of these considerations was implicated, and additional, compensating shifts were necessary to ensure that all competing goals were simultaneously accomplished. In such a constrained environment, there will rarely be one "dominant and controlling" influence. Nowhere is this better illustrated
266.) Finally, those that are injured by the allegedly discriminatory districts can alleviate their injury through the democratic process: Those in the district could elect a representative who is not a part of their racial group, while the population at large could elect a legislature that refused to rely on racial considerations in the drawing of districts. In such circumstances we should take particular care in questioning the legislature's motives and, if in doubt, presume that the legislature has acted appropriately. See post, at 1058-1062 (Souter, J., dissenting).
10 We require state legislatures to ensure that populations, from district to district, are "as mathematically equal as reasonably possible," with de minimis exceptions permissible only in "unavoidable" instances. White v. Weiser, 412 U. S., at 790; see also Karcher, 462 U. S., at 734-735. Population variances are not permissible even " 'if they necessarily result from a State's attempt to avoid fragmenting political subdivisions by drawing congressional district lines along existing . . . political subdivision boundaries.' " White, 412 U. S., at 791 (citing Kirkpatrick v. Preisler, 394 U. S. 526, 533-534 (1969)). The legislature, therefore, understandably felt compelled to achieve mathematical equality regardless of other concerns. Rather surprisingly, they were able to do so: Every one of Texas' 30 congressional districts contains precisely 566,217 persons. Of course, this precision could not have been accomplished without breaking apart counties, cities, neighborhoods, and even pre-existing voting precincts.
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