926
Thomas, J., concurring in judgment
mine whether members of a minority have had an equal "opportunity . . . to participate in the political process and to elect representatives" provides no guidance concerning which one of the possible standards setting undiluted voting strength should be chosen over the others. And it would be contrary to common sense to read § 2(b)'s reference to equal opportunity as a charter for federal courts to embark on the ambitious project of developing a theory of political equality to be imposed on the Nation.24
It is true that one factor courts may consider under the results test might fit more comfortably with an interpretation of the Act that reaches vote dilution claims. Section 2(b) provides that "one circumstance" that may be considered in assessing the results test is the "extent to which members of a protected class have been elected to office." 42 U. S. C. § 1973(b). Obviously, electoral outcomes would be relevant to claims of vote dilution (assuming, of course, that control
equal political "power" can be measured by comparing the statistical probability under each system that a person's vote will determine the election result). Cf. Whitcomb, 403 U. S., at 145, n. 23.
24 In addition, in one respect there is a significant tension between the terms of the results test and an interpretation of the Act that reaches vote dilution claims. Section 2(b) provides that a violation may be established where it is shown that members of a minority have less opportunity than other members of the electorate "to participate in the political process and to elect representatives of their choice." 42 U. S. C. § 1973(b) (emphasis added). We have held that any challenged "standard, practice, or procedure" must have both of these effects to violate the test outlined in § 2(b). See Chisom v. Roemer, 501 U. S. 380, 397 (1991). It is not clear, however, that a potentially dilutive districting method can satisfy both prongs of the test. The primary effect of the choice of one districting system over another will be the direct and mathematically quantifiable impact that the system will have on a minority group's ability to control a given number of seats. But even if one assumes that a districting system may therefore be said to impair a group's "opportunity" to "elect representatives of its choice," it is difficult to see how a districting system could be said to impair a group's opportunity to "participate in the political process," at least if participation is understood to have any meaning distinct from controlling seats.
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